1. Table 5 and fig 1 present meat of their results in form of real wages for different occupations at constant prices. Imply: 
	'After prolonged wage stagnation, real wages, measured by the evidence presented here, nearly doubled between 1820 and 1850. This is a far larger increase than even past "optimists" had announced.
	It is also large enough to resolve most of the debate over whether real wages improved during the Industrial Revolution. Unless new errors are discovered or a host of declining wage series are added, it seems reasonable to conclude that the average worker was much better off in any decade from the 1830s on than in any decade before 1820.' [11-12]
2. Then proceed to see whether taking into account other factors in standard of living alter this conclusion. Items such as:
	0. unemployment
		1. Here adduce lots of circumstantial evidence that indicates that employment not that high, and certainly not high enough to cancel out gains (1820 - 1830). 1837-1839 2.7%, 1840-1850 4.4% and in worst years (1842-3) 9.4%. 'This information is sufficient to demonstrate that the (alleged) net rise in unemployment could not have exceeded 7.37%, and it may well have fallen.\\The trend in unemployment thous could not have detracted greatly from improvement in workers' real wages, and it may even have contributed to their improvement.' [16]
	1. health
		1. 'Past observers have inferred that mortality must have worsened for city-dwellers (and for the working class) since mortality was higher in fast-growing cities. Such inferences are unwarranted. In fact, mortality improved (receded) in the countryside <emph>and</emph> most cities, and did so by enough to improve national life expectancy from about 1800 on. ... \\In short, .... it can be shown that any tendency of the rising industrial dcentres to lure adult workers to an early death was fully offset, or more than offset, by the lengthening of life both in the cities and the countryside.' [21]
	2. work environment (discipline, independance, ...) + housing and environment
		1. From 1781 to 1851 put an upper bound on disamenities and living cost increases for average worker at 9.7%. And this is 'a generous overestimate'. Other estimate suggest 2.5% or 3.3%. [23]
	4. social justice/injustice
	5. Employment outcomes for women and children as opposed to adult males. Women and children wages patterns (from the little we can glean) appear similar to men. [18-19]
	
3. Final conclusion in Table 7 that provides holistic estimates of standard of living 1781-1851. Significant improvements of the order of 60%. Emphasize need for further research on inequality issues.